Hubbard Text Comes to Sderot

Staying with Israel, news from Sderot:

In a move seen by some as an attempt to take advantage of Sderot’s shell-shocked residents, a nonprofit group is offering them free workshops based on the teachings of the late L. Ron Hubbard, founder of the Church of Scientology.

…In an e-mail responding to questions by The Jerusalem Post, the Association for Prosperity said the workshops were based on the teachings of “The Way to Happiness,” a pamphlet written by Hubbard – one of 645 works he authored on various subjects, according to the group.

The “Association for Prosperity and Security in the Middle East” claims to be non-Scientologist; it just happens to be run mainly by Scientologists and its main text just happens to have been written by the founder of Scientology. The Association has harsh words for local opponents, which include an anti-missionary group:

“It is sad that as the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the Jewish state approaches, there are still vile individuals trying to vilify other Jews for their convictions, faith, education, skin color [and] gender, in ways that remind us all of what happened during the Holocaust and that almost resulted in the loss of the entire Jewish people…”

I blogged The Way to Happiness back in August; in 2002 it was praised by Israeli education minister Limor Livnat, and it has also been promoted in the Palestinian territories by Zeinab Habash of the Palestinian Ministry of Education.

(Hat tip: Cult News Network)

Byzantine Jerusalem

In an obituary for the late Archbishop of Athens, Christoldoulos, Spero News notes the Jerusalem link:

One of the most serious scandals involved the archbishop’s alleged role in the election of Patriarch Eirinaios of Jerusalem, who was toppled for selling property in Arab East Jerusalem to Israeli interests. A former spiritual child of Christodoulos, Apostolos Vavylis was alleged to have been sent to Jerusalem by Christodoulos and to have played a key role in getting Eirinaios elected. Some press reports labelled Vavylis a Greek intelligence agent and other reports cited older Greek intelligence reports linking him with Israel’s Mossad.

This is a story I’ve been following for some time; as I noted a few months ago, Vavilis was arrested on espionage charges in 2006 after fleeing from Greece to Italy via Thailand “with the help of his Taiwanese friends”. Vavilis, who has an Israeli ex-wife, was seen in Jerusalem in 2001 in the company of a monk named Nikodimos Farmakis, who lost his position as Archimandrite after he was found to have been carrying a gun; Farmakis represented Irineos at the 2002 Day of Prayer for Peace in Assisi. Vavilis was also implicated various other scandals that engulfed the Greek Orthodox Church in 2005.

Meanwhile, the Anglican Church in Jerusalem is currently trying to show it can match the Orthodox brethren for dissent and intrigue; Religious Intelligence reports:

Charges of fraud and misconduct are being traded between the current and former Anglican Bishops in Jerusalem.

…the civil war between current Bishop Suheil Dawani and former Bishop Riah Abu Al-Assal…adds a further burden to the weakened Anglican presence in the Holy Land.

On Jan 20, Bishop Riah’s office released an “urgent” petition calling for Bishop Suheil to “step down” after he allegedly colluded in the beatings of two Nazareth Anglicans…

Loving every minute of this latter case, naturally, is Irene Lancaster.

The Libertarian Right and Southern Africa in the 1980s: Some Brief Notes

When Paul Staines was first threatening bloggers with libel actions last year over the republication of a 1986 report from The Guardian, not much was made of a second report from the following year:

…Between 6pm and 8pm tomorrow some 150 selected members of the Young Conservatives will be guests at the South African Embassy for a drinks party. According to the invitation, the host is the Counsellor at the Embassy, a Mr. C. Raubenheimer, and the shindig is to mark the departure of a Mr. P. Goossen…The invitation list was drawn up with the help of David Hoyle, chairman of the Conservative Student Foreign Affairs Group, who devotes a lot of his time arranging support for the Nicaraguan contras.

The paper names several of those who were invited:

…Andrew Rosendale, chairman of the Young Conservatives in London; Paul Delaire Staines, who once…[cut!] (1)

A couple of names here are spelt wrongly: “David Hoyle” is of course “David Hoile”, who in 2001 managed to get the Guardian to retract a claim that he had once worn a “Hang Mandela” sticker – only for a photograph to emerge shortly after (Hoile is now a lobbyist on behalf of the Sudanese regime). “Andrew Rosendale”, meanwhile is “Andrew Rosindell”, at the time Chairman of the Greater London Young Conservatives and now a very right-wing MP in Essex. The GLYC had for a long time been supportive of South Africa: in August 1985 (just days before the notorious “state of emergency” was declared) it sent a delegation to the country (to meet “moderate” groups that claimed to be independent of the regime) (2), while the following November the vice-chair of the organisation, Adrian Lee, appeared in Tatler sitting under an “I (Heart) South Africa” banner (3).

One has to be extremely cautious when writing about this subject. While detractors claim that these kind of links amounted to support for the apartheid regime, the “libertarians” of the 1980s Tory right – and their American “Young Republican” counterparts – make an important distinction: they were, they insist, simply anti-ANC. Apartheid was abhorrent (and decried as “racial socialism”), but it only continued because of the Communist-backed and terrorist ANC. If South Africa were to enjoy greater support from the west, then apartheid would wither, so those wanting positive change in the region should support Chief Buthelezi and Inkhata in South Africa, Jonas Savimbi and UNITA in Angola, and the MNR in Mozambique – thus we see here Paul Staines posing with a pro-UNITA t-shirt next to a UNITA representative. Right-libertarians accused of having supported apartheid tend to threaten to sue; the left-wing blogger Charlie Pottins was at the receiving end of one such threat back in 2006.

Staines has entered into a bit of self-criticism over the anti-Mandela posturing of the era, writing in the libertarian Free Life magazine in 2000:

I never wore a “Hang Mandela” badge but I hung out with people who did. Why? What did we gain from doing so? Did we make ourselves more popular by calling for the death of a man who was fighting injustice by the only means available to him?

However, Staines doesn’t go so far as to wonder whether the right-libertarian movement as a whole may have been hoodwinked by a regime which knew that hard-right racialist arguments would no longer win South Africa support, just like some left-wing groups were manipulated by the Soviets. In 1995, the former South African spy Craig Williamson was quoted as saying that

We couldn’t convince Americans that apartheid was right. The only chance of manipulating things to survive just a little bit longer was to paint the ANC as a product of the international department of the Soviet Communist Party. (4)

The apartheid regime developed various “front” organisations, which were supposedly independent but were the secret beneficiaries of government funds. One of these was the National Student Federation (NSF), which developed close links with Republican students in the USA. This is explored in a book by Russ Bellant, who notes the role of one now-notorious American figure:

In 1983…Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as a chairman of the College Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National Student Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a “grand alliance of conservative students…an alliance that would represent the swing to the right amongst the youth in America and Western Europe.” After an exchange of trips between College Republicans and South African student rightists, the College Republican National Council passed a resolution condemning “deliberate planted propaganda by the KGB,” and “Soviet proxy forces” in Southern Africa, without mentioning apartheid or racism. (5)

In the UK, the NSF cultivated the libertarian Federation of Conservative Students. Searchlight profiled the FCS in 1985, and noted that

…at this year’s conference, there were two delegates from a new student organisation in South Africa, the NSF, and Mr Peter Gossen, a visitor from the South African Embassy (venue of several luncheons for FCS members last year). (6)

It should be noted that the NSF’s head, Russel Crystal, denies there was any link with the security services – or at least, if there was one, he had not been aware of it. Buthelezi himself was also part of the strategy: in 2006 James Sanders published a fascinating book entitled Apartheid’s Friends, which details the secret support given to Buthelezi through “Operation Marion”:

The name of the operation reflected its deeper function: ‘marion’ was a shortened form of the English and Afrikaans word ‘marionette’: a ‘puppet moved by strings’. (7)

Abramoff also headed the International Freedom Foundation, which had a branch in the UK directed by a libertarian named Marc Gordon (now based in South Africa). South Africa was named as the source of its funding in Private Eye as early as 1987 (8), and later it was shown that the money had been channelled via the USA through Jack Abramoff and Russel Crystal (9). A 2000 report in Searchlight notes that

According to the former South African spy Craig Williamson, the IFF grew out of a meeting in 1985 at Jamba, the headquaters of UNITA, attended by right-wing Americans, Nicaraguan Contras, Afghanistan Mujahideen and South African Security police. (10)

The British IFF also financed the Mozambique Solidarity Campaign, which, according to a 1989 report in the New Internationalist, shared offices with the International Society for Human Rights (11). The British ISHR was run at various times by Adrian Lee and by Paul Staines.

The British libertarian right’s links with southern Africa in the 1980s is a story that has never been told in full, and indeed I’ve had to self-censor some interesting details for legal reasons.

This blog entry now has a sequel; see here.

****

(1) Edward Vulliamy, “People Diary”, in The Guardian, 24 September 1987.

(2) Stephen Cook, “Young Conservatives for South Africa”, in The Guardian, 10 August 1985.

(3) Camilla Desmoulins, “Tory! Tory! Tory!”, in Tatler, 280 (10), November 1985, pp. 166-167. I’ve seen a copy to check this, by the way.

(4) Quoted in James Sanders, Apartheid’s Friends: The Rise and Fall of South Africa’s Secret Services, John Murray: London, 2006, p. 189.

(5) Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party, South End Press: Boston, 1991, p. 82.

(6) “How the Libertarian Right Hijacked FCS”, in Searchlight, May 1985, pp. 10-11.

(7) Sanders, Apartheid’s Friends, p. 266.

(8) See Private Eye (674) 16 Oct 1987 p. 9.

(9) Ken Silverstein, “The Making of a Lobbyist: Jack Abramoff’s start in South Africa“, in Harper’s Magazine, blog 17 April 2006.

(10) Nick Lowles and Steve Silver, “Sound as a Pound?”, in Searchlight (306), December 2000, pp.4-8. The Jamba conference was co-organised by Abramoff and Jack Wheeler, whom I blogged here.

(11) Paul Fauvet and Derrick Knight, “What is Renamo?“, in The New Internationalist (192), February 1989. It should be noted that the very negative spin put on the ISHR in this article was disputed by its UK General Secretary, Robert Chambers, in a subsequent issue. As far as I can see the ISHR, while conservative, is quite respectable.

Pastors and the Kenyan Conflict

An interesting column by Rev Fred Mwesigwa in the Kampala New Vision:

For a long time, the religious leadership in Kenya has displayed some partisan tendencies and not exercised a prophetic role of being a voice of the voiceless or better still a voice for all. According to The East Africa standard of December 23, 2007, in the run-up to the infamous elections, many Christian leaders had chosen to move away from the pulpit to the rostrum in order to sanitise politics.

…It is not surprising that on January 23, there was an article in the press in which blame was squarely put on religious leaders thus: “The Kenya crisis has helped bring out the evil in the ‘toga’ clad individuals. It is now clear that religious leaders have taken sides; they are even more tribal than politicians-whenever any member of the clergy opens his/her mouth, you can guess what will spew out of his mouth by virtue of their tribal affiliation…

There was another story about the harrowing tales of Kenyan refugees in Uganda. Danson Kariuki expresses fears about the possibility of resettling in Kenya and says: “My little boy saw his teacher looting and a pastor who has been our neighbour for 10 years turned against us. How can my children return to that place?”

Mwseigwa also draws on a paper by Kenyan scholar of religion Eunice Karanja (also known as Eunice Kamaara), entitled “Christian ethnic nationalism and globalisation: The role of the Church in Kenya”:

While describing the 1992 land clash violence, Karanja says: “Among the Kikuyu, their religious interpreted their plight as ‘persecuting of God’s chosen people’ while the Kalenjin interpreted it as ‘holy war for what God has rightly given us’…She observes that the Presbyterian Church in Kenya was generally dominated by Kikuyu and ordinarily supported Kikuyu candidates while the African inland Church was dominated by the minority ethnic groups (Kamatusa) and these generally supported non-Kikuyu presidential candidates…”

Karanja also predicted that marginisation of Muslims would lead to violence.

Mwseigwa names “Pastor [Pius] Muiru, Pastor [Mike] Brawan, the Rev. [Moses] Akaranga and Bishop Margaret Wanjiru” as the most high-profile politically-partisan pastors, although Mwesigwa is too harsh here in blaming these particular individuals for the conflict, whatever one’s opinion of pastors with political ambitions. Brawan and Wanjiu were both candidates for the opposition ODM, but Brawan specifically denounced “violence and incitement” as well as “ethnic and sectarian interests”, while Wanjiru, as I blogged here, was quite candid about being motivated by purely personal ambition rather than any other principle:

“It does not matter which party I use. The end will justify the means, but you can be sure I will be in the ruling party. I cannot spoil my image by joining a losing party.”

Pius Muiru founded his own political party in a bid for the presidency, and was lauded precisely because

…Not only do we now have a candidate standing on the platform of integrity (at a time when we need it so badly in the nation), but there is also the fact that this is no tribal chief or candidate with a tribal base of any sort.

Since the election, Muiru has been critical of ODM mass actions as “the wrong way to handle the crisis”. Meanwhile, Wanjiru – whose election victory is currently being contested – declined to support last month’s rallies, advising the public to “leave the presidential battles to the people at the top” and to engage in “serious prayer and fasting” to end ethnic strife (she has, however, given ODM leader Raila Odinga a platform at her church).

Brawan, in contrast, has taken a more active role in protests over the election result, and he was arrested briefly for “inciting the public to violence”. However, the arrest looks as though it was politically-motivated; the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation reports:

…A Nakuru Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader Pastor Mike Brawan who was arrested by police on Saturday was Sunday morning released from police custody.

Brawan immediately called on President Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga to urgently dialogue and find a way of ending the current political impasse.

The ODM leader was arrested by police in Nakuru town for leading a demonstration to protest the outcome of the disputed presidential poll.

…He called on the religious faithful to pray for the nation and also preach forgiveness and reconciliation among the various ethnic communities in order to restore peace and normalcy in the country.